The President of the United States has the power to overrule convictions on federal charges. This was created in Article II, Section 2, Clause 1 of the U.S. Constitution:
The president shall […] have Power to grant Reprieves and Pardons for Offences against the United States, except in Cases of Impeachment.
This power is one of the most anti-democratic in the entire Constitution. It surprises me that a group of men whose motivation was to escape the capriciousness of the British monarchy, would have provided such a king-like power to the new presidential office.
The presidential pardon power traces back to early English law, and over the years the Supreme Court has ruled (most notably in Ex parte Garland (1867) that that power has few limits. The president can forgive anyone who has committed a federal offense, and this forgiveness can be total or partial. It can happen before, during, or after a trial. A presidential pardon does depend on it being physically delivered to its recipient, according to an interpretation from the Department of Justice, meaning that posthumous pardons are largely ceremonial. And, of course, the president can’t pardon someone who’s been impeached.
Other than that, the president can pretty much let anyone off the legal hook that they want. In practice, however, most pardons, commutations, and other legal reliefs have been in the nature of what the founders imagined: a backstop against miscarriages of justice, as opposed to handing out free tickets to friends and campaign contributors.
Every president but two have issued pardons (including clemency and other relief). Only William Henry Harrison (who died 31 days into his term) and James A. Garfield (who was assassinated a few months into his) handed out no pardons. George Washington pardoned 16 people, including two who were convicted of treason for participating in the Whiskey Rebellion. Most have issued pardons numbering in the hundreds, and many were announced as they left office, which alleviated the outrage when some of them were controversial.
Andrew Johnson pardoned 7,654 people, most of them former Confederates during the Civil War. Jimmy Carter pardoned over 200,000 people for evading the military draft during the Vietnam War era, along with 566 others. Joe Biden issued clemency to 4,165 non-violent drug offenders. Gerald Ford issued probably the most famous pardon in 1974 when he let Richard Nixon off the hook for any crimes he’d committed during Watergate. And Donald Trump, of course, pardoned over 1,500 people who participated in the January 6 attack on the U.S. Capitol, and recently has pardoned several political allies who committed fraud, contributed to the president’s campaigns, or provided technical support to the Trump family’s bitcoin-related businesses.
The original text of the Constitution, for better or worse, is quite broad and non-specific. This is a feature, not a bug: The foundational document of an organization, whether it’s a constitution or by-laws or some other hybrid, should be a framework, not a nuts-and-bolts description of every operational possibility. It’s the heart and soul of the country; the laws that stem from the form of governance that the Constitution created are the brain and nervous system, and can be as detailed as needed. More importantly, laws can be fairly easily changed, while the Constitution is not. Again, this is a positive feature.
The broad, non-specific, nature of the Constitution depends, however, on the good faith of the people living under it and, as importantly, those who the Constitution empowers to lead the nation. The Constitution isn’t perfect; the original document infamously contained several antisocial and anti-democratic compromises and clauses.
We’ve tried to remedy these through amendments, and these efforts did produce a fairer and more progressive governing document. But even those amendments depend on the good faith of those interpreting them and, as we’ve seen recently from the Supreme Court, “good faith” no longer exists. Their recent decisions have depended on the magical creation of new judicial doctrines or tortured interpretations of plain language in order to reach the political conclusion they wanted.
Reforming the Supreme Court is gaining traction among Democrats, which is a positive sign. Even if they have majorities in both houses, and we elect a Democratic president in 2028, the Court, as it currently operates, will act as a super veto over anything they don’t like.
The pardon power is also a super veto, wielded by a single person who can overturn or disrupt the legal process. If it were only used to remedy obvious misuses of the law against citizens, it might continue to work in the way it was intended. The problem in 2026 is that the current president has shown us, over and over, that our laws – including the Constitution – are insufficient to stop corrupt behavior by the chief executive if he doesn’t feel like respecting history, tradition, common sense, and good faith.
Trump opened Pandora’s Box with his behavior in office, especially the second time around. It’s impossible to just return to where we were a decade ago. The standards have changed. In fact, they’ve been crushed under the weight of reality. We need more than just reforms or repairs at this point. We’ll need a new foundation that will prevent these problems from happening again. It’s one item on a long list, but the pardon needs to go.

